By John Clammer
This quantity demonstrates a clean method of city reviews in addition to a brand new means of modern Japan which hyperlinks financial system and society in an leading edge way.Content:
Chapter 1 impending Japan in the course of the research of intake (pages 1–25):
Chapter 2 intake and concrete Cultures within the eastern urban (pages 26–50):
Chapter three The Context of wish: The Political economic system of intake (pages 51–67):
Chapter four buying and the Social Self (pages 58–84):
Chapter five Gender, category and the Internationalization of intake (pages 85–109):
Chapter 6 eating our bodies: Media and the development and illustration of the physique (pages 110–134):
Chapter 7 websites and attractions: The eating Eye and the humanities of the mind's eye in jap Tourism (pages 135–151):
Chapter eight Theorizing intake in city Japan (pages 152–168):
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Extra info for Contemporary Urban Japan: A Sociology of Consumption
The 'reflexivity', again recently discovered by \Vestern sociologists, has always been present in Japanesc society in the form (somewhat different from that of the \Vest) of self-cultivation and a culturally specific conception of the life-cycle, in which distinct attributes are attached to the expected characteristics and cxpccted behaviour of each way-station in the cycle, and in which continuity rather than conflict between generations (as was suggested in the preceding discussion of teenager.
The analysis of ‘consumption cleavages’ is important in Britain because of the assumption that voting patterns tend to be split along the same lines. This is not the case in Japan, where in any case the question of provision of services is rarely posed in political terms except by special-interest groups such as the Buraku people (the former ‘outcasts’ of Tokugawa times) or other minorities (the Korean community being a good case in point). The position of Warde’s main protagonist, Peter Saunders, is precisely that urban sociology should be understood as the analysis of sectoral cleavages, a position that Warde wishes to differentiate from his own conception of the sociology of service provision.
Bestor’s criteria for selecting his fieldwork site (Bestor 1989: 5) are such as to exclude the vast majority of Tokyo districts, but even within these closely defined limits the economic anthropology of the area, the gendered nature of relationships to it, its class structure and its educational structure are every bit as significant as its neighbourhood association, its shrine and its festival - the attributes that for some reason still tend to attract anthropologists, even though, for the majority of residents, local life is no longer framed by them.